Collectivism, organization, activism, dialectical materialism - these are the four main powerful pillars supporting the building of proletarian ethics under construction now - these are four criteria, guided by which it is always possible to understand whether this or that action is expedient from the point of view of the interests of the revolutionary proletariat. Everything that contributes to the development of revolutionary, collectivist feelings and actions of the working people, everything that best contributes to the planned organization of the proletarian economy and the planned organization of discipline within the proletariat, everything that increases the revolutionary fighting efficiency of the proletariat, its flexibility, its ability to fight and fight, everything that removes the mystical, religious film from the eyes and brain of the working people, which increases their scientific knowledge, the materialistic acuteness of the analysis of life - all this is moral, ethical from the point of view of the interests of the developing proletarian revolution, all this must be welcomed, cultivated by all means.
On the contrary, everything that contributes to the individualistic isolation of the working people, everything that introduces disorder into the economic organization of the proletariat, everything that develops class cowardice, confusion, stupidity, everything that breeds superstition and ignorance among the working people - all this is immoral, criminal, such behavior must be mercilessly persecuted by the proletariat.
Hence, criticism of individual rules of bourgeois ethics now becomes accessible to us. We can replace any rule of behavior of exploitative ethics with a completely concrete, practical consideration aimed at protecting the class interests of the proletariat ...
“Do not make love” - a part of our youth tried to oppose this commandment with another formula - “sex life is a private affair of everyone, ” “love is free, ” but this formula is also incorrect. The sanctimonious prohibitions on sex life, insincerely imposed by the bourgeoisie, are, of course, absurd, since they suggested some kind of sinful principle in sex life. Our point of view can only be a revolutionary class, strictly business-like. If this or that sexual manifestation contributes to the isolation of a person from the class, reduces the acuteness of his scientific (i.e., materialistic) inquisitiveness, deprives him of part of the productive and creative working capacity necessary for the class, lowers his fighting qualities, down with him. Sexual life is permissible only in its content that contributes to the growth of collectivist feelings, class organization, production-creative, combat activity, the acuteness of cognition (on these principles, the sex norms given by the author in the article below are built), etc., etc. P.
From these examples we see that organized, active and materialist-conscious collectivism is a moral touchstone on which one can unmistakably test the revolutionary acuteness, the class correctness of one or another of our actions. Our whole life, all our everyday life should be based on these principles ... Every area of proletarian class behavior should be based on the principle of revolutionary expediency when working out its norms. Since the proletariat and the laboring masses economically adjacent to it constitute the overwhelming majority of humanity, revolutionary expediency is thus the best biological expediency, the greatest biological benefit (as we will see below in this).
Consequently, the proletariat has every reason to intervene in the chaotic development of the sex life of modern man. Being now in the stage of initial socialist accumulation, in the period of pre-socialist, transitional, heroic poverty, the working class must be extremely calculating in using its energy, must be thrifty, even stingy, when it comes to saving forces in the name of increasing the military fund. Therefore, he will not allow himself that unrestrained leak of energy wealth that characterizes the sex life of modern bourgeois society, with its early agitation and licentiousness of sexual manifestations, with its fragmentation, diffusion of sexual feelings, with its insatiable irritability and excited weakness, with its frantic tossing between eroticism and sensuality, with its gross interference of sexual relations in intimate intraclass relations. The proletariat replaces chaos with an organization in the field of economics, and it will introduce elements of a planned, purposeful organization into modern sexual chaos.
Sex life for the creation of healthy revolutionary-class offspring, for the correct, militant use of all human energy wealth, for the revolutionary-purposeful organization of his joys, for the militant formation of intra-class relations - this is the approach of the proletariat to the sexual issue.
Sex life as an integral part of the other militant arsenal of the proletariat - this is the only possible point of view of the working class on the sexual question now: all the social and biological property of the revolutionary proletariat is now its militant arsenal.
Hence: all those elements of sexual life that harm the creation of a healthy revolutionary change, which rob class energy, rot class joys, spoil intra-class relations, must be mercilessly swept away from class everyday life, swept away with all the more inexorable since the sexual is a familiar, refined diplomat, cunningly crawling into the smallest crevices - allowances, weakness, myopia.
I. There should be no too early development of sex life among the proletariat - the first sexual commandment of the revolutionary working class.
The communist children's movement, capturing all children's interests from an early age into its mainstream, creating the best conditions for the development of children's independence, for physical children's self-healing, for the bright flowering of inquisitive, social, adventure-heroic aspirations, attracts all children's attention and does not provide an opportunity a parasitic spider of early sexual arousal appears. Here there is physiological training, and battle hardening, and a bright class ideology, and early equal companionship of different sexes - there is nothing for premature sexual development to grow under such conditions.
Therefore, the first task of the proletariat is not to give a go to early child sexuality, and for this it is necessary: to point out to parents and school the need for a correct approach to the social and biological interests of the child, to promote this approach in every possible way and to use all class energy for the best organization of the mass communist children's movement, for the introduction of this movement into all the nooks and crannies of children's, school and family life. Improving the sexual life of childhood will make further unnecessary the now so difficult struggle with the sexual confusion of adulthood.
II. Sexual abstinence before marriage is necessary, and marriage only in a state of complete social and biological maturity (that is, 20-25 years) is the second sexual commandment of the proletariat.
And what is harmful, we will be told, in sexual activity before marriage? It is harmful that such sexual activity is disorganized, associated with a random sexual object, is not regulated by strong sympathy between partners, is subject to the most superficial excitements, that is, it is characterized by precisely those features that, as we will see below, must be unconditionally and mercilessly exterminated by the proletariat in its environment. Such, chaotically developed, sexual content is never limited to a narrow sphere of purely sexual being, but it impudently invades all other areas of human creativity, robbing them with impunity. Is this permissible from the point of view of revolutionary expediency?
III. Sexual intercourse is only as the final completion of deep all-round sympathy and attachment to the object of sexual love.
A purely physical sex drive is unacceptable from a revolutionary proletarian point of view. Man differs from other animals in that all his physiological functions are permeated with mental, that is, social, content. Sexual attraction to a class hostile, morally nasty, dishonorable object is the same perversion as a person's sexual attraction to a crocodile, to an orangutan. The sexual attraction of a properly developing cultured person absorbs a lot of valuable elements from the surrounding life and becomes inseparable from them. If attracted to sexual intercourse, this should mean that the object of sexual gravity attracts other aspects of its being, and not just the width of its shoulders or hips.
In fact, what would happen if a class-ideologically deeply alien person turned out to be a sexual partner? First, it would, of course, be an unorganized, extramarital relationship caused by superficial sensory-sexual arousal (only people who are oriented towards a long life together, that is, people who consider themselves to be consistent with each other in all respects, enter into marriage); secondly, it would be a sexual desire in its crudest form, not tempered by a feeling of sympathy, tenderness, not regulated by anything social: such an attraction would stir up the lowest aspects of the human psyche, give them full scope; thirdly, a child who could nevertheless appear, despite all the preventive measures, would have parents who are deeply alien to each other and himself would be divided, mentally split from an early age; fourthly, this connection would distract from creative work, since, built on purely sensual lust, it would depend on random causes, on small fluctuations in the moods of partners, and, satisfying without any creative efforts, it would significantly devalue and the very significance of creative effort - it would take away from creativity one of its major pathogens, not to mention the fact that a high frequency of sexual intercourse in such a connection, not moderated by moral motives, would largely deplete the brain energy that should go for public, scientific and other creativity. Such sexual behavior, of course, is not on the path of revolutionary expediency.
IV. Sexual intercourse should be only the final link in the chain of deep and complex experiences that bind lovers at the moment.
Sexual intercourse should not just be drawn: the threshold to it should be a heightened sense of all-round closeness, deep ideological, moral cohesion, complex deep mutual saturation, the physiological completion of which can only be sexual intercourse. The social, the class is ahead of the animal, and not vice versa.
The presence of this social, moral, psychological prerequisite for sexual intercourse will lead to the most valuable results: firstly, the sexual act would become much more rare, which, on the one hand, would increase its content, the joyful saturation given to them, on the other hand, would turn out to be large savings in general chemistry, leaving a significant part of unused energy to the share of creativity; secondly, such sexual acts would not separate, as is usually the case with frequent sensual closeness, even to the point of disgust for each other (Tolstoy gives a brilliant, quite realistically correct illustration of this in his Kreutzer Sonata), but would bring them closer together, even stronger; thirdly, such a sexual act would not oppose itself to the creative process, but would quite harmoniously coexist next to it, feeding on it and feeding it with additional joy (while the nakedly sensual intercourse also steals the most creative mood, removing it from the subjective fund of creativity almost all of his emotional material, almost all of his "passion", for a fairly long time, devastating, sterile, "creative imagination" (this refers, as we see, not only to the chemistry of creativity, but also to its mechanics).
V. Sexual intercourse should not be repeated frequently.
This is already sufficiently clear from the above points. However, the motives of the fifth "commandment" are not exhausted by the latter. There is every scientific reason to assert that really deep love is characterized by infrequent sexual intercourse (although infrequent sexual intercourse in itself does not always speak of deep love: under them, sexual indifference can also be hidden). With deep true love, the formalized sexual desire matures as the final stage of a whole series of rich, complex experiences of mutual intimacy that preceded it, and such processes, of course, take a long time, requiring more nourishing material for themselves.
VI. There is no need to frequently change the sexual object. Less sex diversity.
When fulfilling the above points, this commandment is not needed, but it should still be substantiated separately.
a) The search for a new sexual, love partner is a very complex concern that tears away from creative aspirations most of their emotional strength; b) even when finding this new partner, a whole series of experiences, efforts, new skills are needed for all-round adaptation to him, which in the same way is a robbery of other creative-class forces; c) when conquering a new love object, sometimes the most intense struggle is required not only with him, but also with another "conqueror" - a struggle that has a fully expressed sexual character and colors all the relationships between these people in specific tones of sexual interest, painfully hitting the ridge of their intraclass solidarity, according to their general ideological stability (how much we know of deep quarrels between blood-ideologically close people on the basis of sexual competition).
VII. Love should be monogamous, monoandric (one wife, one husband).
This is clearly evident from all of the above, but, in order to avoid misunderstandings, it is necessary to single out this point separately. We may be told that it is possible to comply with all the rules given in the presence of two wives or husbands. "Ideological closeness, rare sexual intercourse and other directives are compatible, after all, with double marriage, double marriage." “Well, imagine that one wife (husband) makes up for me ideologically and sexually what is lacking in the other (other); it is impossible to find the full embodiment of the love ideal in one person ”. Such considerations are too transparent a stretch. The love life of a two-woman (two-female) is extremely complicated, captures too many areas, energy, time, special interest, requires too many special adaptations, no doubt, increases the number of sexual acts, and class creative activity loses in the corresponding area to the same extent, so as the sum of forces diverted towards an immeasurably complicated sexual life, even in the most brilliant state of the latter, will never pay off with a creative effect. Creativity in such conditions always loses, and does not win, moreover it loses not only quantitatively, but also in a gross distortion of its quality, since it will be continuously burdened with excessive and special sexual, love interest.
VIII. With any sexual intercourse, one must always remember about the possibility of having a child and, in general, remember about offspring.
Not a single preventive measure, except for grossly harmful ones, completely guarantees against possible pregnancy - abortions are extremely harmful for women - and therefore sexual intercourse should find both spouses in a state of complete biological and moral well-being, since the malaise of one of the parents at the time of birth is difficult is reflected in the child's body. The same consideration, of course, once and for all excludes the use of prostitution, since the possibility of contracting a venereal disease is the most terrible threat both to the biological heredity of the offspring and to the health of the mother.
IX. Sexual selection should be built along the line of class, revolutionary-proletarian expediency. Elements of flirting, courtship, coquetry and other methods of specially sexual conquest should not be introduced into a love relationship.
Sex life is considered by the class as a social, and not as a narrow-minded function, and therefore social, class virtues should attract, win in love life, and not specific physiological-sexual baits, which are, in the overwhelming majority, either a relic of our pre-cultural state, or developed as a result putrefactive effects of exploitative living conditions. Sex drive itself is biologically strong enough so that there is no need to excite it with additional special techniques.
Since the revolutionary class, saving all mankind from destruction, contains exclusively eugenic tasks in sexual life, that is, the tasks of the revolutionary communist healing of mankind through offspring, obviously, as the most powerful sexual pathogens, the wrong traits of class-sterile "beauty should be revealed. ", " Femininity ", grossly" muscular "and" mustachioed "masculinity, which have little place and from which are of little use in the conditions of industrialized, intellectualized, socializing humanity.
A modern man-fighter should be distinguished by a subtle and precise intellectual apparatus, great social flexibility and sensitivity, class courage and firmness - it does not matter whether it is a man or a woman. Powerless fragile "femininity", which is a product of the millennial slavery of women and at the same time is the only supplier of material for coquetry and flirting; just like the "mustachioed", "muscular-fist" masculinity, which is more needed by a professional loader or a knight of the pre-arms period than a dodgy and technically educated modern revolutionary - all these traits, of course, to a minimum extent correspond to the needs of the revolution and revolutionary sexual selection. The concept of beauty, of health is now being radically revised by the class-fighter in terms of class expediency, and the class-sterile so-called "beauty", the so-called "strength" of the exploitative period of human history will inevitably be wiped out by bodily combinations of the best revolutionary adaptation, the most productive revolutionary expediency ...
It is not for nothing that the ideals of beauty and strength in various social strata are profoundly different, and the aesthetics of the bourgeoisie, the aesthetics of the bourgeois intelligentsia are far from appealing to the proletariat. But the proletariat does not yet have aesthetics of its own, it is created in the process of its victorious class struggle, and therefore it would be a monstrous mistake on the way of forming methods of new class sexual selection to use the old methods of sexual lure that have rotted away in the sense of their class suitability. What class will be the offspring created by the parents, whose main advantages, which were the main sexual pathogens, were: the powerless and flirtatious deceitful femininity of the mother and the "broad-shouldered muscularity" of the father?
The revolution, of course, is not against broad shoulders, but they are not, in the final analysis, it wins, and revolutionary sexual selection should not be based on them. The impotent fragility of a woman is of no use to him at all: economically and politically, that is, physiologically, a woman of the modern proletariat must approach and is increasingly approaching a man. It is necessary to achieve such a harmonious combination of physical health and class creative values, which are most expedient from the point of view of the interests of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat. The embodiment of this combination will be the ideal of proletarian sexual selection.
The main sexual bait should be the main class virtues, and only on them will a sexual union be created in the future. They will also determine the class understanding of beauty and health: it is not for nothing that not only the concept of beauty, but also the concept of physiological norm is now undergoing such a passionate scientific discussion.
X. There should be no jealousy. Sexual love life, built on mutual respect, on equality, on deep ideological closeness, on mutual trust, does not allow lies, suspicion, jealousy.
Jealousy has several rotten traits in it. Jealousy, on the one hand, is the result of distrust of a loved one, fear that he will hide the truth; on the other hand, jealousy is a product of distrust of oneself (a state of self-abasement): “I am so bad that she (he) does not need him, and he (she) can easily cheat on me. " Further, in jealousy there is an element of the jealous's own lies: usually those who are not worthy of trust do not trust in matters of love; from the experience of their own lies, they assume that the partner is also prone to lying. Worst of all, in jealousy, its main content is an element of gross possessiveness: “I don’t want to surrender it (him) to anyone, ” which is completely unacceptable from the proletarian-class point of view. If love life, like my whole life, is a class property, if all my sexual behavior should proceed from considerations of class expediency, then obviously my choice of a sexual object, like others' choice of me as a sexual object, should be considered in the foreground. with the class utility of this choice. If my sexual partner's departure from me is associated with the strengthening of his class power, if he (she) replaced me with another object, in a class sense more valuable, how anti-class, shameful my jealous protest becomes in such conditions.
The question is different: it is difficult for me to judge myself who is better: me or who replaced me. But then appeal to the comradely, class opinion and steadfastly reconcile if the assessment was not in your favor. If you have been replaced by the worst (her), you still have the right to fight for reconquest, for the return of the departed (her) or, in case of failure, despise him (her) as a person who is unrestrained from a class point of view. But this is not jealousy.
In jealousy, there is a fear of someone else's, that is, of one's own lies, a feeling of one's own insignificance and powerlessness, an animal-possessive approach, that is, exactly what a revolutionary proletarian fighter should not have in any case.
XI. There should be no sexual perversion.
No more than 1-2% of modern sexual perversions are really of intrabiological origin, are innate, constitutional, while the rest are acquired conditioned reflexes, generated by a bad combination of external conditions, and require the most persistent struggle with them on the part of the class. Any sexual perversion, weakening the central sexual content, is reflected at the same time on the quality of the offspring, and on the entire development of sexual relations between partners. Sexual perversions always indicate a gross inflection of sexual life towards naked sensuality, a sharp lack of social and love stimuli in sexual desire.
The sex life of the perverted is devoid of those creatively regulating elements that characterize normal sexual relations: the demands of ever new and new variety, dependence on random irritations and random moods become really huge in the perverted; the difficulty of finding a partner who fully satisfies the needs of the perverted, the fear of losing a partner that has already been found, the difficulty of the task of perverting him to adapt to himself (that is, in fact, disfiguring the partner in the name of his pleasure), frequent jealousy, which acquires an unusually deep and complex character from the perverted - all this leaves the stamp of a particularly deep sexual concern on the creative world of the perverted, constantly disfiguring his other spiritual aspirations. With all its might, the class should try to correct the perverted in the mainstream of normal sexual experiences.
XII. The class, in the interests of revolutionary expediency, has the right to interfere in the sex life of its members. The sexual must obey the class in everything, without interfering with the latter, serving it in everything.
The chaos of modern sex life is too great, there are too many absurd conditioned reflexes in the field of sexual life created by the exploiting sociality for the revolutionary organizing class to accept this bourgeois inheritance without a struggle. 90% of modern sexual content has lost its biological spontaneity and is subject to the corrupting influence of a wide variety of factors, from the power of which it is necessary to liberate sexuality, giving it a different, healthy direction, creating appropriate class regulators for it. Sex life ceases to be a "private affair of the individual" (as Bebel once said, but he did not live in the militant era of the proletarian revolution, not in the country of the victorious proletariat) and turns into one of the areas of social, class organization. Of course, it is still a long way from a truly exhaustive class normalization of sex life among the proletariat, since the socio-economic prerequisites for this normalization have not yet been clearly studied, and there is also a lot of fetishism in the biological interpretation of the sexual question. Attempts at rigid sexual normalization now, of course, would lead to tragic absurdity, to the most complex misunderstandings and conflicts, but nevertheless there are general introductory milestones for the class correction of the sexual question, for the creation of the main sexual direction.
By sensitive comradely advice, organizing class opinion in the appropriate direction, giving in art valuable artistic images of a certain type, in cases of too rude intervening even by trade union, public opinion, etc., etc., the class can now give the main impulses along the line of sexual selection, along the line of saving sexual energy, along the line of socializing sexuality, ennobling, eugenizing it.
The further, the clearer the path in this matter becomes, the firmer and clearer, the more detailed the class's demands in relation to the sexual behavior of its members will become. But he will not only make demands, he will also build an environment conducive to the fulfillment of these demands. The measure of its requirements will correspond to the possibilities of the new environment of the new environment, the degree of its maturity and strength. Being determines consciousness. The sexual must be wholly subordinate to the regulating influence of the class. The situation corresponding to this is already being formed.
Of course, our "12 Commandments" do not at all exhaust all the norms of behavior of the revolutionary proletariat. The author only raises the question in its original form, tries to record the first milestones. At the same time, he tried to consistently adhere to the above three criteria for the class-appropriate sexual behavior of the proletariat: 1) the issue of offspring; 2) the question of class energy; 3) the question of relationships within the class. One of the prerequisites for him was, among other things, the consideration that in the transitional period of the revolution the family had not yet perished.
Healthy revolutionary offspring, with the most productive use of their energy and with the best relationships with other classmates, will be realized only by the worker who starts his sexual life late, who will remain a virgin before marriage, who will create sexual intercourse with a person who is class-lovingly close to him, who will skimp on intercourse, realizing them only as the final discharges of deep and all-round social love feelings, etc., etc.
This is how the author thinks about the "sex platform" of the proletariat. A few words about the "robbed", about human joys emasculated by my standards. All joy, in its class use, must have some valuable productive purpose. The greater this joy, the more complete its production value should be. What is the production value of the entire enormous amount of modern "sexual pleasures" of man?
This value is a good 3/4 purely parasitic. The sense organs, not receiving proper impressions in a rotten modern environment, movements that do not receive the proper space, social instincts, inquisitive aspirations, suppressed, flattened in the chaos of our exploitative and post-exploitative modernity, give up all their remaining unused energy, all their free motor fund, their excessive activity to the only reserve factor - sexual, which becomes the hero of the day, a spider against his will. Hence the early awakening of sexuality, hence its early revelry in all branches of human existence, hence the impudent permeation of all pores of human existence, even science by it. To cultivate this spider-like existence of our sexuality - would it really be that much of a use for a revolutionary, pre-communist culture? Isn't it better to return their goods back to the robbed, is it not better, by "moderating", "assiduously", "loosening up" the swollen sexuality with appropriate firm influences (class anti-sex pump, revolutionary sublimation), squeeze out, suck back the values that he has stolen from the body, at the class? Soviet conditions do this as much as possible.
How much new - direct, not moistened with sexual desire - bright, heroic, collectivist, militant class striving then a man will receive anew! How much sharp scientific research, materialistic curiosity, no longer chained to only the genitals, will a person then receive! Are these joys less joyful than sexual joy? Is their production value less than the value of carefully guarded sexual intercourse or sexual dreams from pregnancy? Moreover, by right this wealth, both socially and biologically, does not belong to sex - it was only stolen by the latter in an atmosphere of absurd exploitative energy turmoil.
The Soviet public is most favorable to our radical reform of sexual behavior - from which we proceed when building our landmarks. If the bourgeois system created a colossal biological surplus among the ruling classes, which was largely spent on sexual arousal, and, on the other hand, flattened the working masses, squeezing out a large part of their unused creative activity towards sexual activity, the Soviet public possesses exactly the opposite features: it
expelled parasites with a biological surplus and unleashed the squeezed forces of the laboring masses, thereby freeing them from sexual captivity, giving them ways to sublimate. The sublimation possibilities of the Soviet public, that is, the possibilities of transferring sexualized experiences to creative paths, are extremely great. You just need to understand this well and skillfully reorganize sexuality, regulate it, put it in its rightful place. Basically, of course, it depends on the speed of the creative deepening of the Soviet public itself, that is, our socialist economy in the first place.
But also for special activity - the widest scope. Indeed, what a tremendous desexualizing value (separation from sexuality) is the complete political emancipation of a woman, an increase in her human and class consciousness. The humiliation and lack of culture of a woman plays a very important role in the thickening of sexual experiences, since for women in such conditions, sex is almost the only sphere of spiritual interests. For a grossly sensual man, such a powerless woman is a particularly tasty prey. A liberated, conscious woman removes a large lump from this too “rich” sexual fund of both sexes, thereby releasing a large share of the creative forces previously bound by the sexual goal.
The general creative emancipation of the working masses of the USSR is also of great desexualizing, sublimating significance, all the suppressed forces of which, which were also spent on excessive sexual nutrition, now receive freedom for business, industrial social manifestation. This should also include the emancipation of nationalities and other achievements of the revolution in the emancipation of the masses from the yoke of the exploiter. The separation of the population from religion is also of great importance. Religion, trying to reconcile with the bad reality, destroyed fighting impulses, belittled, squeezed a number of bodily and social aspirations, thereby flattening most of them towards sexual content. The dying religion of the masses weakens their sexual stagnation; revives their fighting properties (although religious preachers lie about the opposite: without religion, there will appear sexual promiscuity).
The abstraction of our old intelligentsia also produced a lot of sexual intoxication. The stronger the separation from combat reality, the more extra-real fiction in it, that is, more sexual fiction. Attached now to the Soviet chariot of rigidly practical construction, the most socially healthy part of the old intelligentsia is being re-educated, losing piece by piece and its extra sexual burden, not to mention the fact that it is gradually more and more persistently being replaced by the newly growing, completely materialistic, workers 'and peasants' intelligentsia. ...
The children's communist movement will save childhood from early sexual intoxication (and is it not a product of our October Revolution), etc., etc. Obviously, now is the time for an organized restructuring of sexual norms. Our public allows the beginning of this restructuring, demands this restructuring, eagerly awaits those creative forces that will be freed from sexual captivity after this restructuring. Does a true friend of the revolution, a true citizen of the USSR, have the right to object to the improvement of sexuality?
But how to start, how to carry out this "sex reform"? An initiative, example, demonstration is required. Our red youth should be the instigator in the sexual health improvement of the working people and all mankind, as in everything else. Brought up in the heroic, sublimating atmosphere of our revolution, filled with bright class creative joys in a way that young people have never started before, they will more easily get rid of the rotten sexual inertia of the exploitative period of human history. It is she who must be an energetic pioneer in this area, showing the way for the younger generation - her change.
Among the motley and heated discussion that is now being conducted by our red youth, among the most diverse, partly ridiculous sexual ideals - in the style of at least Kollontaev's Zhenya or in an ascetic spirit, according to Tolstoy - a trickle of class regulation of sexual desire, a trickle of scientific an organized, revolutionary-expedient, business-like approach to the sexual issue.
There is no doubt that this trickle will grow steadily, absorbing all the healthiest revolutionary ideological searches of young people in the field of gender.
In some places, separate, bold, strong groups are already trying to bind themselves with certain firm guidelines in the field of sexuality. In some places, setting an example to others with their behavior, they try to draw the attention of other comrades to the sexual disorders that are happening around. Sometimes in contact with household and NOT'ovsk local cells, always in close connection with the party cell, with the Komsomol cell, they try to find a method of practical influence on those who are too grossly violating the class resultant in the field of sex. Our revolutionary, proletarian art is also searching hard in this area.
Every now and then the trade union, the party board, the control commission cut through public attention with the message that the line of sexual permissibility ends there, and young people shake this information on their own, using it in case of strategic necessity - to suppress too unbridled impulses around. So - gradually, from below - by energetic searches, experience is accumulated, a system of business rules is formed. The author has no doubts that the system of sexual norms created by this mass practice, groped from below, basically completely coincides with the scheme given to him above. Changes in details, additions, options are possible, of course, but the diagram does not pretend to exhaust the whole problem, it only tries to give direction.
Our children - pioneers - will be the first to be able to bring the matter of sexual health to really serious results. We must start with them.
A few more words about the responsibilities of red youth in the genital area. Much has been given to her, and therefore much will be asked of her. The October Revolution was hard-won by the heroic Bolshevik underground cadres, who pulled the masses along with them, who gave a colossal number of heavy sacrifices to the proletarian welfare. This is the heroic revolutionary fund that feeds and will continue to feed the unfolding proletarian revolution going deeper into the depths.
What heroic fund did our youth contribute to the revolution? While she, of course, still could not manage much in age, but, in any case, the immediate possibilities of her military heroic accumulations are not so great - after all, the revolution entered a relatively peaceful period for several years.
Therefore, it is not a sin if, among other parts of this fund, young people also make a rich contribution of sexual modesty and sexual self-organization to the heroic, sacrificial revolutionary fund. This will heal our morals, it will help us to form strong, creatively saturated class fighters, this will allow us to give birth to a healthy, new revolutionary change, this will save a lot of the most precious class energy, which is already unproductively draining away too much, due to our inability.
In order to build, you need to learn how to save in an organized way.
Brochure "Revolution and Youth", publishing house of the YM Sverdlov Communist University, 1924.